This is p. 185

Over all the parties, the two scales were virtually uncorrelated, r=.03. (Janda 1980b: 156-157).

17. Huntington (1965) defines autonomy in terms of interests rather than structure. He requires autonomous organizations to "have their own interests and values indistinguishable from those of other social forces" (p.401).

18. Out of 905 abstracts on political parties identified in a DIALOG^TM search, only 25 mentioned finance or funding; only a few dealt specifically with party finance; and none that were remotely comparative were in English.

19. Not only did the former "satellite" parties of ruling Communist parties in Eastern Europe (e.g., the four minor parties in the German Democratic Republic) clearly lack autonomy, but some scholars contended that they should not be regarded as separate parties. However, their survival after the collapse of the ruling party indicated that they had distinct organizations, albeit subservient ones.

20. For a defense of the Middle-Level Elite project, see Reif, Niedermayer, and Schmitt (1986).

21. A later definition by Belloni and Beller (1978), is conceptually identical. They define faction as "any relatively organized groups that exists within the context of some other group and which (as political faction) competes with rivals for power advantages within the larger group of which it is a part" (p. 419, emphasis in original).

22. Five indicators of involvement--severity of membership requirements, membership participation, material incentives, purposive incentives, and doctrinism--were used to produce a scale with an alpha reliability coefficient of .78 (Janda 1980b, 154-155.

23. Koelble (1989) has contended that Michels' "iron law" did not apply to the West German Green Party, when organization did not result in oligarchy.

24. See Schlesinger (1991, 135-145) for a trenchant analysis of these opposing positions.

25. Although Schlesinger used the term "office-seeking" in referring to his theory (1991, p. 143), it is really a "vote-seeking" theory when (compared to the European usage of office-seeking. See Strom (1990).

26. Przeworski and Sprague explain their title, Paper Stones, with this statement: "Barricades were no longer needed when workers could cast ballots: votes were 'paper stones.'" (1986, 1).

27. Duverger's chapter on "Strength and Alliances" (1963, 281-351) dealt with indicators of governmental status.

28. But Hibbs' research drew criticism from Payne (1979) for biased selection of cases, and other methodological issues, to which Hibbs replied (1979).

29. In keeping with Duverger's own broad view of comparative party analysis, these linkages were empirically supported by data that included restrictive and subversive parties in communist and third world countries along with the larger group of mostly competitive parties in democratic regimes (Janda 1979). The numbers of parties underlying each proposition varied from 79 to 135 (Janda and King 1985).

30. For a dissent on the value of Duverger's work, see Daalder (1983:10-12).

31. Von Beyme was replying to an earlier review of the German edition of his book, which found "incomprehensible" his "lack of interest in general theory" (Raschke 1983, 109).

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