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Kazimierz Slomczynski and Goldie Shabad, "Perceptions of political party corruption and voting behaviour in Poland," Party Politics, 18 (November, 2012), 897-917. [Available at http://ppq.sagepub.com/content/vol18/issue6/ ]

First paragraph:
More so than many other political institutions, political parties are held in considerable disrepute. This is due in large part to widespread perceptions that both party politicians and parties as organizations are corrupt. This is especially the case in the newer democracies of post-communist Europe, Asia, Latin America and Africa, but also in long-lived democracies (Transparency International Global Corruption Barometer, 2004, 2007).

Figures and Tables:
Table 1. Voting declarations for the 2005 and 2007 elections and voting intentions for the forthcoming election, POLPAN data, 2008
Table 2. Perceived corruption of political parties in Poland, POLPAN data, 2008
Table 3. Correlations (above diagonal) and mean differences (below diagonal) for perceived corruption of political parties in Poland, POLPAN data, 2008
Table 4. Intention to vote in the forthcoming elections regressed on overall perception of political party corruption, POLPAN data, 2008
Figure 1. Differentiation of perceived corruption of political parties and predicted probability of voting in the forthcoming elections
Table 5. Intention of vote for a given party regressed on perception of political party corruption, POLPAN data, 2008
Table 6. Multinomial regression of intention to vote for Civic Platform (PO), Law and Justice (PiS), Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) and Polish People's Party (PSL) on perceived corruption of these parties, POLPAN data, 2008
Table 7. Intention to vote for Civic Platform (PO) regressed on perception of political party corruption and control variables, POLPAN data: 2003-2008
Table 8. Intention to vote for Law and Justice (PiS) regressed on perception of political party corruption and control variables, POLPAN data: 2003-2008
Table 9. Intention to vote for Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) regressed on perception of political party corruption and control variables, POLPAN data: 2003-2008
Table 10. Intention to vote for Polish People's Party (PSL) regressed on perception of political party corruption and control variables, POLPAN data: 2003-2008
Table 11. Data setup for party choice model in the forthcoming election
Table 12. Determinants of party choice in the forthcoming election, POLPAN data, 2008

Last Paragraph:
(First paragraph of discussion) In a nutshell, all of our analyses indicate that perceptions of political party corruption have an effect on voting behaviour. This is so with regard to electoral participation per se, intention to vote for a particular party as opposed to a competing party, and vote choice regardless of which particular party is chosen. The impact of assessments of party malfeasance holds up even when other determinants of vote choice are taken into account. Our findings also strongly suggest that the extent to which individuals differentiate among parties with regard to corruption, rather than the average value of such perceptions (mean value), is important in motivating electoral participation. This stands in contrast to other research that finds that the more an individual perceives corruption to be widespread the more likely he or she is to abstain from voting (but see Kistner, 2007; Shabad et al., 2008). As we have shown, apart from their effect on the decision whether to vote or not, differentiated perceptions of political party corruption also affect vote choice per se, whether with regard to the probability of voting for a given party or the probability of voting for any one of the several party options available. In so far as we focus here on the relationship between mass-level perceptions of corruption of particular parties and voting, our findings contribute to an understanding of electoral behaviour in Poland. Given that party malfeasance has been a salient issue in electoral politics and has played a role in the waning and rising fortunes of existing and new parties and vote-switching, by implication our findings also speak to questions related to the institutionalization of Poland's party system.

Last updated November 2012